Polemics,
Politics and Problematisation.
(extract
from an interview with Paul Rabinow, May 1984)
A whole morality is at stake, the
morality that concerns the search for the truth and the relation to the other.
In the serious play of questions and answers, in the work of reciprocal
elucidation, the rights of each person are in some sense immanent in the
discussion. They depend only on the dialogue situation. The person asking the
question is merely exercising the right that has been given to him: to remain
unconvinced, to perceive a contradiction, to require more information, to
emphasize different postulates, to point out faulty reasoning, etc. As for the
person answering the question, he too exercises a right that does not go beyond
the discussion itself; by the logic of his own discourse he is tied to what he
had said earlier, and by the acceptance of dialogue he is tied to the
questioning of the other. Questions and answers depend on a game- a game that
is at once pleasant and difficult- in which each of the two partners takes
pains to use only the rights given him by the other and by the accepted form of
the dialogue. The polemicist, on the other hand, proceeds encased in privileges
that he possesses in advance and will never agree to question. On principle, he
possesses rights authorizing him to wage war and making that struggle a just
undertaking; the person he confronts is not a partner in the search for the
truth, but an adversary, an enemy who is wrong, who is harmful and whose very
existence constitutes a threat. For him, then, the game does not consist of
recognizing this person as a subject having the right to speak, but of
abolishing him, as interlocutor, from any possible dialogue; and his final
objective will be, not to come as close as possible to a difficult truth, but
to bring about the triumph of the just cause he has been manifestly upholding
from the beginning. The polemicist relies on a legitimacy that his adversary is
by definition denied. Perhaps, someday, a long history will have to be written
of polemics, polemics as a parasitic figure on discussion and an obstacle to
the search for the truth. Very schematically, it seems that today we can
recognize the presence in polemics of three models: the religious model, the
judiciary model and the political model. As in heresiology, polemics sets
itself the task of determining the intangible point of dogma, the fundamental
and necessary principle that the adversary has neglected, ignored or
transgressed; and it denounces this negligence as a moral failing; at the root
of the error, it finds passion, desire, interest, a whole series of weaknesses
and inadmissable attachments that establish it as culpable. As in judiciary
practice, polemics allows for no possibility of an equal discussion: it
examines a case; it isn’t dealing with an interlocutor, it is processing a
suspect; it collects the proofs of his guilt, designates the infraction he has
committed, and pronounces the verdict and sentences him. In any case, what we
have here is not on the order of a shared investigation; the polemicist tells
the truth in the form of his judgment and by virtue of the authority he has
conferred on himself. But it is the political model that is the most powerful
today. Polemics defines alliances, recruits partisans, unites interests or
opinions, represents a party; establishes the other as an enemy, an upholder of
opposed interests, against which one must fight until the moment this enemy is
defeated and either surrenders or disappears.
Of course, the reactivation, in
polemics, of these political, judiciary or religious practices is nothing more
than theater. One gesticulates: anathemas, excommunications, condemnations,
battles, victories, and defeats are no more than ways of speaking, after all.
And yet, in the order of discourse, they are also ways of acting which are not
without consequence. There are the sterilizing effects: has anyone ever seen a
new idea come out of a polemic?? And how could it be otherwise, given that here
the interlocutors are incite, not to advance, not to take more and more risks
in what they say, but to fall back continually on the rights that they claim,
on their legitimacy, which they must defend, and on the affirmation of their
innocence? There is something even more serious here: in this comedy, one
mimics war, battles, annihilations, or unconditional surrenders, putting
forward as much of one’s killer instincts as possible. But it is really
dangerous to make anyone believe that he can gain access to the truth by such
paths, and thus to validate, even if in a merely symbolic form, the real
political practices that could be warranted by it. Let us imagine, for a
moment, that a magic wand is waved and one of the two adversaries in a polemic
is given the ability to exercise all the power he likes over the other. One
doesn’t even have to imagine it: one has only to look at what happened during
the debates in the USSR over linguistics or genetics not long ago. Were these
merely aberrant deviations from what was supposed to be the correct discussion?
Not at all: they were the real consequences of a polemic attitude whose effects
ordinarily remain suspended.
See also Gramsci:
My entire intellectual formation was
of a polemical nature, so that it is impossible for me to think
‘disinterestedly’ or to study for the sake of studying. Only rarely do I lose
myself in a particular strain of thought and analyse something for its own
inherent interest. Usually I have to engage in a dialogue, be dialectical, to
arrive at some intellectual stimulation. I once told you how I hate tossing
stones into the dark. I need an interlocutor, a concrete adversary, even in a
family situation.